This Tuesday’s election saw the culmination of Republicans’ long-standing effort to attract people of color, with the party tapping into shared feelings of political disenfranchisement and abandonment between working-class Black, white, and Latino or Hispanic voters without college degrees. While diversifying their base was clearly an objective, Republicans also turned “equity” into a dirty word—criticizing diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives and “woke-ism” to undermine tools Democrats have used to address racial disparities and the inequitable distribution of government resources. 

Meanwhile, racially coded language was utilized along the campaign trial, shocking some voters but rallying others who either appreciated racial tropes or were willing to ignore them in the face of economic plight. Public debates platformed racist tropes such as whether Haitian immigrants ate pets, if immigrants were taking Black jobs, and the dangers rather than the assets of majority-Black cities.

In defeat, Democrats struggled to convince working-class voters of all races that the party’s platform addresses their concerns, likely due to their very targeted focus on the issues of Black and Latino or Hispanic voters. For instance, in the weeks leading up to the election, Vice President Kamala Harris introduced an “Opportunity Agenda” specifically for Black men, including a proposal to provide “1 million loans that are fully forgivable to Black entrepreneurs and others to start a business.” This was in the face of a litany of lawsuits against racially explicit remedies for discrimination. 

Sticking to this brand of identity politics—in which individuals from specific religions, ethnicities, or social backgrounds form exclusive political alliances—may be a reason Democrats lost the race so thoroughly. 

In a social media post, writer Thomas Chatterton Williams wrote, “The fact that so many Americans of all ethnicities, geographies and colors wanted to see Democrats pay a resounding price not just for policy decisions but for a larger circa-2020 indulgence paid to so many deeply unpopular activist perspectives simply has to be taken seriously.” And a pre-election New York Times piece stated that identity politics has lost its influence since the aftermath of George Floyd.  

However, it’s evident that both political parties leveraged identity politics and racism in the 2024 election, particularly with nonracial identities such as educational level. Identity politics is central to our understanding of constituency, so its practice in many forms is not going to go away. So, rather than avoid the topic, reckoning with the racial politics of the 2024 election will help the country move forward.  

What should both parties consider moving forward? 

Through their votes, working-class voters expressed that they’re feeling pain, contradicting economists’ assertions of a supposedly strong economy. Trump already had a commanding hold of white voters at 55% in 2024, and gained significant ground with Latino or Hispanic voters (increasing from 35% in 2020 to 42% in 2024) and Black voters (from 8% in 2020 to 16% in 2024). Much of that gain came from people without a college degree. For voters who never attended college, support for Trump increased from the past election from 54% in 2020 to 62% in 2024.  

People without a college degree are a constituency; they have an identity. People of different races without a college degree—whom we loosely refer to as the “working class”—are ostensibly feeling pain. Factories that left for other countries didn’t just employ middle America white workers—they employed Black, Latino or Hispanic, Native American, and Asian American workers as well. These multiracial workers have been impacted by policies such as North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and they share another identity: underemployed, unemployed, and broke. Not treating them as a unified voting bloc is to miss the mark. Trump’s rhetoric tapped into this multiracial community.  

Discrimination is another source of pain, particularly for Black and Latino or Hispanic voters. Bureau of Labor Statistics data show that Black and Latino or Hispanic people face higher unemployment rates compared to white people. This is especially true for women: As of fall 2024, white women’s unemployment rate was 4%, compared to 6.2% for Black women and 5.9% for Latino or Hispanic women. Studies also show discrimination in the justice system, with Black, Latino or Hispanic, and Native American men facing higher arrest and incarceration rates for similar offenses compared to white men. And when they are arrested, they are incarcerated for longer periods: Black men are given sentences 13.4% longer than white men, and Latino or Hispanic men are given sentences 11.2% longer than white men.

Democrats’ rhetoric often treats these policy issues only as a moral ones. But one of the most difficult challenges that we face as a country is understanding how discrimination not only robs specific groups of attaining well-being, but also throttles economic and societal growth for us all. Equity is not a zero-sum game, yet Democratic and Republican rhetoric treats it as such. The proverbial pie can grow by addressing inequity across race and place. 

The quality of our social, economic, and political futures is inextricably linked to how inclusive our neighborhoods, local economies, and schools are and will become. The country can easily slip back into a recession if we’re not careful to maximize the talents of all Americans. Reckoning with discrimination isn’t divisive—it gives us an opportunity to grow as a society. 

The voting public and both parties must demand concrete policy solutions that will make all Americans economically secure. Discrimination isn’t just about hatred. It also commonly comes in the form of abandonment and neglect. Americans need and want a policy agenda that uplifts people of all races who have been denied opportunities to gain economic security to advance their well-being. The voting behavior of working-class Latino or Hispanic and Black men shows they understand this. 

Equity isn’t a dirty word to be avoided. Quite the contrary, it’s a quintessential American concept. Equity is behind the assumed level playing field that is central to the American dream. Our tax system’s ability-to-pay principle—which holds that the tax burden an individual carries should be proportionate to their wealth—is based on equity grounds. Pragmatically, that means researchers and government officials must continue to collect data that examines the distributive impacts of policy to make necessary adjustments. Researchers are often guilty of rolling their eyes at equity matters, opting for macro measures of performance and growth. This is partly why many economists downplay the role prices play in a country’s economic performance, as they often overlook how prices impact various groups differently.  

The branding of equity as divisive or even anti-democratic is clearly a political tactic to distract us from the policies the public wants and needs. Not addressing it is a form of neglect. 

Democrats and Republicans must learn how to use equity as a unifying force. This year’s presidential election is a referendum to ensure that white people in rural Pennsylvania as well as Black and Latino or Hispanic people in inner city Philadelphia have an economy that improves the quality of all their lives.   

The Republican Party may have swept the election, but if they fail to deliver on the referendum for economic security laid down by working-class voters of all stripes, they too will find themselves on the outs. Republicans will learn that avoiding the word “equity” won’t make the pain of not delivering it go away. Just ask the Democrats. 



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